Full text of the article that appears in The Spectre issue 5
The origins of the Chilean uprising are uncomplicated to trace back. It all began in 2006 by “la revolución de los pingüinos” (the revolution of the penguins; secondary school students). Students from secondary schools rose up against the alarming privatization of education and against the logic of economic rationalism; profits before people.
The “penguins” paved the way and influenced the subsequent social mobilizations in universities, hospitals, work centres, etc. The second social groupings to react were the university students, under the Confech (student’s union), whom attracted mainstream media attention by applying civil disobedience tactics and challenging the lucrative state of Piñiera. University students had gained support from prominent academics, professors and civil service workers, as well as an important support from vice-presidents of certain public universities. Subsequently, they managed to mobilise large parts of the Chilean population; liaising with trade unions to coordinate general strikes, organising occupations in several educational centres, headquarters of the fascist UDI and the Socialist Party, standing in solidarity with the Mapuche people and protesting against the approval for the construction of 5 Mega damn projects in the Patagonia by the Hydroaysen Company (Endesa-Enel multinational) with various ecological groups. Overall, the university student’s potential, fighting for a free education for all, served to trigger, radicalise and mobilise large parts of the population that were seeded with discontent. One of the fundamental strategies was the successful inclusion of large segments of the civil society, thus remaining a social movement with grand potential and not following a 1+1=2 orthodox Marxist formula. Violence used by the State and the disturbed distortion by the mainstream media, furthered major support after the repressive forces protecting the elite of Chile fired and killed children (among them a student named Manuel Gutiérrez, age 16) and arrested 1000 peaceful demonstrators.
What these social mobilizations demonstrate is the failure of the “Chilean model”, a neoliberal system imposed after the coup d’édat by Pinochet’s juggernaut regime and modelled by the “Chicago boys”-Milton Friedman-. The “Chilean model” facilitated the privatization of social services. For instance, in education, where in “public” universities, students pay over 20,000 Euros to acquire a degree. Concerning private universities (where 80% of the universities students are studying due to the low intake of students in public universities) the prices rocket up to 60,000 Euros. With the result that after 5 years students and families end up in very high debt, which further deteriorates their social conditions and cripples their dignity. Moreover, the price to pay for education deterred students from furthering their studies in higher education. Statistics show that 60% of students originating from poor family backgrounds abandoned their studies because they couldn’t pay the debt. This lucrative use of education benefitted large corporations and the banks that pocketed the debts and its interest on behalf of the university student’s budget, much the same way it is done in England.
The “Chilean model” has fostered economic growth, however, it remains in the top 15 ranking of the most unequal countries in the world. In a country rich in copper resources, many students argue, the policy of the State should be to renationalise it and obtain a sum of 40.000 million $ per year, which could then be redistributed in the public sector. Moreover, in a country where the per capita income is one of the highest in the region, it is contradictory to state that it not capable of assuring a public, free education to the young population.
The social mobilizations also resemble the social discontent with the current institutionalization of the economic model and its protection by the current political and economic elites. Referring strictly to the “ley de calidad y equidad” (quality and equity law), which was voted in favour by the government without consulting the fundamental actors among the educational ambits and the population. Therefore, the social mobilizations have proposed a political system that fosters a form of direct democracy, referendums to inquire the population and transparency from the State.
Students have proposed the right to stage a constituent assembly to discuss and change the constitution to proclaim the essential right for a fair, democratic, secular and free education. While Piñera’s lucrative State is under pressure and fomenting moderate reforms to its unjust laws, the social mobilizations carry on producing many more general strikes, student strikes liaising with major groups, which are to fight economic rationalism, the State dictated by the powerful elites and foment a radical change to the status quo.
What students in Britain should realize from the “Chilean model” is that it serves as an alert, signalling what might happen if nothing is done to block the introduction of economic rationalism in education; social discontent, crippling lives, exclusion from education and deterrence from furthering higher education studies. Large social mobilizations are needed, and with the potential of students it will serve to speed up the change, radicalise it and question the values, norms dictated by the hegemonic ideology of economic rationalism that blinds alternatives.
