Sweden: Kungsan 15 International Call For Solidarity

From Antifascist Action Stockholm: http://antifa.se/

Thirteen antifascists in Stockholm, Sweden, have been served with prison sentences after riots connected to a protest in Kungsan against a Swedish nazi party during the elections in 2014. On the day over 12 000 people had gathered in Kungsan for the antifascist protests and when the police tried to disperse the crowd using pepperspray and batons, a lot of people stood their ground in attempt to hold the police back. In the aftermath the swedish security police, SÄPO, singled out 15 people who they claimed to be active in the antifascist movement. 13 where sentenced to prison and will now have to face over €35 000 in fines, damages and trial costs.


The “Free Kungsan 15” campaign has so far managed to fundraise €24 000 but are still €11 000 short of the total amount with time running out. We therefore call upon international solidarity to help us cover the last bit together. We can’t share the time, but we can share the fines. We therefore urge anyone who is in a possibility of making a donation to do so, every penny counts. If you don’t have to means to aid financially please share this call on social media.

Please follow and share the campaign on Facebook,


BANKGIRO: 627-0086 or SWISH: 123 091 64 45
To donate from a non-swedish bank account:
IBAN: SE0680000832799438650120

(NOTE: mark your donation: “kungsan15”)

Antifascist Action Stockholm

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Letters from Kevan Thakrar inside a Close Supervision Centre

See below for 2 letters recently written by Kevan Thakrar and support him by joining the protest: Thursday 21st July 12.30pm – 2.30pm
AND sign the petition on: www.change.org/p/justice-for-kevan

March 17

A secret world exists within the high security prison estate in England, known as the Close Supervision Centre (CSC) system. It is notorious amongst the few who know of it, a place only the most unfortunate men ever see. Reports of serious mistreatment and torture are routine from the victims detained within the CSC, but almost nothing is ever done about the biggest demonstration of inhumanity to take place in this country.

In order to excuse this torture chamber, the dehumanization of CSC prisoners begins at a very early stage of official justifications for the creation of the CSC system, which focus on the need to contain a new breed of unmanageable and unpredictable risks. It continues with the creation of classificatory categories of ‘dangerousness’ which objectify prisoners and make more of the category and less of the human in them, and it is reinforced by the tightly controlled and highly regulated routines in CSC’s, treating prisoners as highly dangerous creatures, capable of superhuman acts of violence – not quite human and in need of the extreme oppression the CSC provides.

When it comes to the ‘worst of the worst’, isolation is wrongly seen as a necessity but insufficient measure by prison management. In addition to isolation and extremely restricted movements, prisoner in-cell provisions and their belongings are carefully regulated and subjected to relentless scrutiny and inspection. Detailed attention to security concerns are always maintained even though the majority of these concerns are baseless, and daily operations and procedures are pre-planned according to worse-case scenarios. Prisoners remain in CSC units for years, decades even, made frustrated, angry and bored by their experiences with few avenues to vent their anger and with almost no opportunities to advance through the system. All perceived acts of disobedience or non-compliance by CSC prisoners, even of the most minor or petty, are responded to forcefully and brutally by gangs of prison officers clad in full riot gear who show no mercy when regaining complete control and demonstrating their authority and power, sanctioned by Prison Service management at the highest levels. The official reason for all forms of hypercontrol over CSC prisoners are security considerations, but rather than controlling violence, as they officially aim to do, such highly controlled environments breed it as well as causing severe suffering for prisoners.

Since CSC guards are directly authorised to perform acts involving the use of force and over-diligence in carrying out their tasks is always tolerated if not encouraged by their superiors, they do not need to engage in soul-searching moral assessment of the treatment of prisoners labeled as the ‘worst-of-the-worst’. The social distancing between ‘us’ and ‘them’ instilled by the CSC training provided to prison officers urged to see themselves as a ‘team’, and environment of the CSC allows for the treatment of prisoners in a way that would have been inconceivable had the guards viewed them as people like themselves. As Garland (1990) found “……professional penal agents [who] tend to represent themselves in a positive, utilitarian way, as offering a particular service, or carrying out a useful social task, as a way of avoiding bad conscience and cultural infancy”, are unlikely to come forward with the truth of how badly they treat CSC prisoners or take the necessary steps to improve the conditions within these hell-holes.
On top of the brutality is the psychological assault on CSC prisoners which works in two parallel dimensions, isolation increases levels of frustration and anxiety, and it also decreases the available avenues for relaxing such tensions. A study by McCleery (1961) noted that over time, symptoms experienced by isolated prisoners are likely to mature into either homicidal or suicidal behaviour. Rather than controlling violence then, CSC confinement leads to irritability, anger, and violent outbursts which can seem unprovoked.

Having now spent 6 years subjected to the unofficial punishment of allocation to the CSC myself, it is clear that without real pressure to force the required change nothing but more negative and oppressive measures will be added. With it known that “oppression and ugliness can only lead to alienation and aggression” Fairweather (2000), it makes you wonder if Prison Service management want this or are too stupid to consider the impact of their actions. With the way the media were manipulated following the suicide of Joanne Latham on the CSC last year, maybe the arrogance of the management leads them to believes that whatever the consequences of the CSC system, they can deal with them as they have done since it was created in 1998.

Kevan Thakrar

Political Prisoner

It has long been suspected that my detention has been political, too many suspicious events lead to that view. During my third trial which resulted in me suffering from a miscarriage of justice back in 2008, the convictions which cause my imprisonment, an MP sat alongside the trial judge. My appeal against these wrongful convictions were dragged out until 2010, where three judges arbitrarily rejected my submissions without ever providing a reasoned explanation. Then there were the false allegations of assault laid against me by prison officers from HMP Frankland which were used to justify my placement into permanent solitary confinement within the Close Supervision Centre (CSC) system. Following the court finding me innocent of this in 2011, I have remained on the CSC without review.

Now these events may have been unconnected initially, but the way in which they continue to be linked more frequently as times goes by is clear to see. The ridiculous media propaganda has never stopped, and become more distorted with every report in an obvious attempt to mislead the public into being against me and hide the real facts. The evidence that demonstrate if I were not originally a political prisoner, I am now, can be found from various sources.

In 2014, the then Secretary of State for Justice, Chris Grayling MP, abused his parliamentary privilege to make derogatory remarks about me in the House of Commons. Other MP’s made statements to the local media of a similar nature at the time including Nadine Dorries, who had not long been back from a trip to Australia for I’m a celebrity. Crimewatch featured, presumably as they were portraying it as a crime, a successful county claim I had won following the deliberate damage and loss of my property by prison officers. Never before has this program covered a similar story, but to twist it so that I was not the victim in these circumstances was prejudiced nonsense.

Matters have kept escalating, the most recent example being through the misinformation reported by the Daily Mail supplied to them courtesy of the Ministry of Justice. I see no point in individually addressing each error in their article, it is the information they glossed over which is of interest. The MOJ claims to have spent £100,000 defending legal actions by me, including spending thousands of pounds to defend against giving me less than 10% of that routinely. Although the biased reporting does everything possible to seek to blame me for the MOJ’s costs, the question taxpayers should be asking is why are these obviously legitimate cases being defended at all? The MOJ are quoted as saying “we robustly defend all cases, as far as the evidence allows”. I can confirm that even when it is blatant that the MOJ are at fault, and I offer to settle at a minimal cost, they have always refused and milked the case for every penny possible dragging the matter out at maximum cost to the taxpayer.

How does it makes sense to spend, as an example, £5,099 in an attempt to defend a £50 payout? Currently the MOJ have appealed half of a £1000 award at a cost likely to reach £5000 not including court costs, with no chance of success as regardless of the decision they still lose more money. Why is this allowed? Surely someone at the Treasury Solicitors must be employed to conduct a cost-benefit analysis prior to considering a defence?

The political element present is that the funding to add the oppression I am subjected to is specifically for me, if I lodged a claim in another name I would not face the same show of force. But then to lead misleading information to manipulate the public against me takes it to another level. Chairman of the Justice Select Committee added his two pence with stupid, ignorant remarks which add to the hostility against an innocent prisoners. Typical political spin, Bob Neill MP said ‘It is scandalous that [I]…. Can abuse the system to pursue what is clearly a campaign against the prison service’. It is and always has been the MOJ who abuse the system and I am the victim of their campaign against me. I would love to have no reason to seek legal redress, but unfortunately the Prison Service deem it acceptable to subject me to torture with the full support of the MOJ, and refuse to put an end to my mistreatment.

If they are upset about this massive waste of money, a few possible options would be to settle all my claims instead of vexatiously defending; stop abusing me so I have no need to claim; remove me from the CSC so I face less targeting; or release me from prison to the freedom I should rightly have. If not they should stop moaning and take responsibility for their won costs! I didn’t choose to be a political prisoner, but I am not going to sit by allowing my torture to continue unchallenged.

Kevan Thakrar
Close Supervision Centre
HMP Wakefield
5 Love Lane


Support Kev by joining the protest:
Thursday 21st July 12.30pm – 2.30pm
OR sign the petition on:

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Turkey: Osman Evcan hunger strike ends in victory!

Update from ABC Istanbul;

Osman Evcan gained the victory from the determined struggle in which he put his life against the state inside the thick walls of prison which he is enclosed. Osman, got everything he demanded through this hard period without surrendering to the state. Osman Evcan ended his indefinite hunger strike which took 45 days against intimidation, torture and extermination politics against prisoners and again he proved us that how he is right about his call to raise the struggle. He continued his resistance resolutely by choosing to die with honor and this is the only reason why his demands are accepted. The State’s “punishment” system and their officials that made comrade Osman Evcan suffer hunger for 45 days and tortured him are our enemies. The recognized demands of Osman Evcan are not a matter of grace, instead that is the end of torturous practices. Torture is a state policy. He is grateful to everyone who have held demonstrations, spoken up, and gave support for Osman Evcan’s cause. Osman Evcan is now trying to get over the adverse effects of the hunger strike process, and his present health condition is fine. We will share the message from Osman Evcan soon.

With anarchist solidarity

ABC İstanbul

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Spain: Anarchist comrades Mónica and Francisco sentenced to 12 years prison in Spain

Article originally posted on act for freedom now here: http://actforfree.nostate.net/?p=23127

Today March 30, 2016, the sentence of the High Court was notified by the comrades’ lawyers, condemning anarchists Mónica Caballero and Francisco Solar to 5 years in prison on charges of “injury”, plus 7 years for “damage with terrorist purpose”, for a total of 12 years for each of them. They were acquitted of charges of “belonging to a terrorist organization and conspiracy” against the Monastery of Montserrat.

In the face of the sentencing of our comrades we have the challenge of extending the struggle and solidarity, defending our ties and our ideas, refusing that their world be reduced to the four walls that keep them locked up.

Strength to our imprisoned comrades, always present in our struggles and our daily lives.

There is no “inside”, nor is there an “outside”, there are only enemies against the State and authority.

Death to the state and long  live anarchy!

Contra Madriz

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USA: Texas Prisoners Organize: Threaten to Strike April 4th with IWW Prisoner Union

Press release from the Incarcerated Workers’ Organising Committee from March 29th.

HOUSTON, TX—Prisoners affiliated with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) union have announced plans to enact major work stoppages in Texas on Monday April 4th if their demands are not met.

Inspired by a growing wave of prison strikes in Alabama, Georgia, and California to end prison slavery and vastly reduce the prison population, Texas prisoners say it’s their turn to “take a stand.” These prisoners are part of the IWW’s Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee (IWOC), the first widespread effort for union recognition among prisoners in decades, with over 750 members in prisons across the country.

“This story is nothing new,” said Nicholas Onwukwe, former prisoner, and Co-Chair of the Incarcerated Workers’ Organizing Committee, “Texas is running a slave plantation. They work with companies to take advantage of slave wages, and keep expenses as low as possible by forcing people into inhuman conditions. But prisons can’t run without inmate labor. Change is coming because prisoners are growing a mass movement in prisons, one that won’t stop until prison slavery is abolished.”

IWOC prisoners in Texas have issued demands for their strike and a call for support. They demand better living and working conditions within the Texas penal system, an end to extortion in the form of large copays for medical treatment, meaningful good/work time to require  re-entry at the “earliest release date” unless there are “objective reasons” against it, an independent committee to review inmate grievances and an end to human rights abuses.

Jocelin Johnson, the fiance of a Texas prisoner and herself a former prison guard has seen these abuses first hand. “An officer ‘accidentally’ cut off the tip of my fiance’s finger month’s ago, yet the grievances go nowhere,” she says. “These changes are past due, it’s time for all of us to stand up for justice.”

The IWW is an industrial union open to all workers, including prisoners. The IWOC is working with the families of prisoners as well as union members across the country to coordinate support for the strike in the form of public pressure and social media support.

Additional info available here https://iwoc.noblogs.org/post/2016/03/29/texas-prisoners-organize-threaten-to-strike-april-4th-with-iww-prisoner-union

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Learning from the Heathrow 13: Reflections on struggle, repression and prison

“We have to dismantle the discourse of deserving and undeserving and challenge entire systems of interlinked oppression if we are to truly achieve radical change.”

Article originally posted on Bristol ABC on February 25th 2016 HERE.

This is an article by Free to Fight, a collective of anarchist organisers based in England who have experienced the impacts of repression first hand. We have served lengthy prison and suspended prison sentences for our involvement in animal liberation campaigning and continue to organise support for friends and comrades still experiencing state repression today.

We want to express our full solidarity with and support for the Heathrow13. Being prosecuted and facing prison is a harrowing and personal experience that affects everyone differently. Our thoughts are with the defendants and we hope they’re able to begin recovering from this intense and worrying time. This article is not directed at them as individuals, it is aimed at wider social justice movements. We don’t claim to have all the answers, but we would like to add our thoughts to the mainstream discourse circulating around this case.

As many of you will have seen yesterday was the sentencing of the ‘Heathrow13’; thirteen climate change activists that took part in a lock-on on a runway at Heathrow Airport, stopping flights for a number of hours, in protest at the proposed building of a new runway at the airport.

We were delighted to know that these 13 people weren’t subjected to the trauma of prison yesterday and can remain free to fight on the outside, be with their loved ones and continue to raise important issues about aviation and climate injustice. This article is intended to ask critical questions about repression, power, privilege and prison and how we respond to these complex challenges.

Repression has, and will, effect every social movement in history, all over the world. We humbly want to contribute our experiences to the conversation. The animal liberation movement, particularly anti-vivisection campaigning, has unquestionably received the greatest state repression of any left wing political struggle in the UK in recent years. Dozens of organisers have experienced long prison sentences, harsh bail and licence conditions and intimidation, as well as harassment and surveillance by the police, infiltrators and corporate interests.

The movement has been crushed by repression and is still struggling to rebuild itself from the damage that has been caused. In looking at our response to this repression, we can see that our biggest mistakes were our narrow political understanding, failure to anticipate and withstand legal repercussions and the lack of importance we placed on solidarity and personal support. The animal liberation movement was demonised in the media and did not have the power or privilege to contest the political commentary engineering our downfall. With multiple comrades imprisoned, and those on the outside terrified and unsupported, huge lessons were learnt about what to do and what not to do in responding to repression.

We’d like to share our insights in the hopes that the lessons we’ve learned can help organisers from all anti-oppression movements to be better prepared for facing repression.

Repression is more than prison

After running a necessity defence against the charge of Aggravated Trespass, the Heathrow 13 were found guilty and told to expect immediate custodial sentences. The defendants have received an incredible outpouring of support from the environmental movement, green campaigners, local residents and high profile individuals.

At their sentencing yesterday they were each given 6 weeks in prison suspended for 1 year, along with varying lengths of community service. This means that they will not be going to jail for now, but if they’re convicted of another offence within the 1 year period, they’ll automatically serve the 6 weeks in prison, along with any punishment for the new offence. Although it was great to hear that the Heathrow13 weren’t jailed yesterday, seeing suspended sentences being celebrated demonstrates that we need to work on our political understanding and awareness of the different forms of repression.

With one of our collective being just over half way through a two year suspended prison sentence, we know that this is not a victory of justice or a happy end to the personal struggle of being prosecuted. Instead of doing a few weeks or months inside, suspended sentences can be used to punish and control people for a much longer period. For something like aggravated trespass, which has a maximum sentence of 3 months, people can face restrictions and the ongoing threat and worry of being imprisoned for years – often without the movement and personal support that political prisoners receive while inside.

As with time spent on bail, defendants can be isolated from their movements, forgotten by their comrades and left with the seemingly endless worry of a prison sentence hanging over them. We like to make martyrs of our prisoners, but fail to know how to support people through the more tedious and drawn out forms of repression.

These less news worthy forms of punishment can also have a greater deterrent effect on social movements. Seeing people receive a few weeks in prison, amidst outpourings of support and outrage from the public and fellow campaigners can mobilise us into action and drive us to want to resist this acute injustice. But seeing our comrades disappear from activism for months, withdrawn, worried and isolated, ignored by the media and the movement at large doesn’t provide the same motivation. We have to remember repression is more than just prison, it’s all the tools in the toolkit that are used to prevent social movements from achieving their goals, and it has inevitable political, practical, social and emotional impacts on us all.

Privilege, Power and the Prison Industrial Complex

This sentencing has been celebrated as a victory and show of common sense from the justice system. The rhetoric around this case has said that these are moral, professional and qualified people who don’t deserve to go to prison for their actions. Guardian articles share their portraits, highlight their backgrounds and indicate their higher education achievements. For most people going to prison, they are unable to use this kind of privilege to their advantage. Even in political cases, those from working class backgrounds are unable to share letters from Barristers, or Head teachers at Private Schools, they are not able to use the discourse of the concerned middle class citizen, and as such are subject to harsher sentencing than even some of their co-defendants in the same cases. We have to acknowledge the consequences of this approach and how it might affect the next people on the stand and those that can’t play this card.

The second worldview which flickers around facebook is that somehow the British justice system is fair and integral to its’ fairness is our right to protest. Therefore it would be an outrage if peaceful protesters were imprisoned as no environmental activists have ever been sent to prison for non-violent protests. It feeds this idea that we have moved on from disproportionate punishment of political campaigners – the state’s harsh treatment of dissidents like the suffragettes has been consigned to history. This discourse is untrue and shows a dangerous lack of awareness of the history of political struggle and continuing repression of social movements. As well as the harmful disconnect between ‘political’ and ‘normal’ people when it comes to struggling against dominant forces.

The British Justice system is a racist, sexist, violent institution and the frontline of warfare against working class communities. We were inspired to see banners at court linking climate change to colonialism, and read inspiring articles written by the defendants that talk about the impacts of climate change on people in the Global South. Working class solidarity is needed in the UK, where we have the most privatised prison system in Europe, where people are being locked up for profit, where every single day thousands of people are harmed by the prison industrial complex. Violence, beatings, self-harm, drug abuse, rape and sexual assault, suicide and just the simple brutality of being caged are all endemic in our prison system. Prison is inherently violent, and it’s the tool of a violent state that serves the capitalists who are the real ones profiting from aviation and environmental destruction.

We are relieved that the Heathrow13 do not have to enter those prison gates, but we cannot forget the 85,636 people that are there, mostly for being poor. We have to dismantle the discourse of deserving and undeserving and challenge entire systems of interlinked oppression if we are to truly achieve radical change.

State Violence & the inevitability of Repression

Unfortunately, as the animal liberation movement has seen, if a group becomes effective in challenging the interests of the state, increasing repression is inevitable. When SHAC (Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty) campaigners were close to driving HLS (Huntingdon Life Sciences), Europe’s largest animal testing laboratory, into closure, the pharmaceutical industry told the UK government that they must step in, or they would move their business abroad. Not wanting to suffer this economic loss, the UK government introduced new laws (SOCPA 145 and 146) and began reinterpreting pre-existing laws (‘conspiracy to blackmail’ and the use of injunctions) to use against anti-vivisection campaigners. With the biggest police operation in UK history being organised against SHAC, dozens of people were arrested and sent to prison, with unprecedented long sentences of up to 11 years. You can read more about the impact and repression of SHAC on the blog SHAC Made History.

The targeting of SHAC may be a perfect example of an effective grassroots campaign being shut down by the state, but it’s just one in the ongoing state silencing of anyone who poses a threat to the economy or their power.

Finally, we don’t have the word count left to go into the ‘violent/non-violent’ debate. However we’d suggest people read Peter Gelderloos’ text on How Non Violence Protects the State.

For the Heathrow 13, we are sure that there will be tears of relief and deep breaths, as well as thoughts of what to do next now the haunting feeling of prison is lifted (for now at least).

Now is the time to escalate not only our struggles for social and environmental justice, but to place these struggles in the bigger context of confronting capitalism, the state and its prison society. It is also the time to escalate our solidarity for all our comrades that are behind bars or experiencing repression in different ways all over the world.

Until All Are Free!
Free to Fight Collective, February 2016

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USA: New Fergurson related prisoner list

Anti-State STL have published a list of prisoners incarcerated in relation to the Ferguson rebellions. They are also calling for people to support by organising letter writing nights, benefit nights or send them books. For the original article and to check for updates see here: https://antistatestl.noblogs.org/ferguson-related-prisoners/


What follows is a list of people who were arrested and imprisoned during the Ferguson rebellions.  Their charges, sentences, the particulars of their cases vary widely, as do their interpretations of the events in Ferguson and their participation or alleged participation in those events. We present the information below in hopes of linking up these prisoners with those on the outside who might be interested in writing to them or finding other ways of supporting them during their time in prison.

There is a fund to raise money for these prisoners as well as other Ferguson-related prisoners who did not want their information listed here but still deserve our support. This money will be used to send commissary to these folks during their incarceration.

Although everyone on this list has given permission for their information to be shared in this way, the presence of their information here in no way indicates that they hold any particular political viewpoint.

*Please note that some of these people are still pre-trial. If you wish to write to these folks, please see the note below. Addresses are subject to change for some of the people and there’s a potential that more people will be added to the list. If this happens, we will be sure to update the list.

Click here to donate money to the fund.

If you have any questions or comments, please email antistatestl@risuep.net

*                                *                                 *

alex irwinAlexander Irwin #S16636 // Centralia Correctional Center, P.O. Box 7711, Centralia, IL 62801

*Please note that this person is pre-trial. Please write with care and see below for details.

Birthday: September 5th

Alexander Irwin is facing burglary charges associated with being accused of looting at the Dellwood Market during the riots in August, 2014. He is currently serving a sentence in Illinois on unrelated charges.



Steven Martin #2015017284 // St. Louis County Jail, P.O. Box 16060, Clayton, Missouri 63105
*Please note that this person is pre-trial. Please write with care and see below for details.

Birthday: September 22nd

Steve Martin is facing a second degree burglary charge, falsely accused of looting a Foot Locker on the night of August 10th, 2014.




Robert Stephenson #1140630 // MECC, 18701 Old Highway 66, Pacific, MO 63069

Birthday: October 31

Robert Stephenson was sentenced to 18 months for looting a Toys ‘R’ Us on the night of August 10th, 2014.







Jeffrey Williams #2015005627 // St. Louis County Jail, P.O. Box 16060, Clayton, Missouri 63105
*Please note that this person is pre-trial. Please write with care and see below for details.

Birthday: March 30th

Jeffrey Williams is accused of the shooting of two St. Louis County police officers during a protest outside the Ferguson Police Station on March 12, 2015.


jermaine parker

Jermaine Parker #1185800 // MECC, 18701 Old Highway 66. Pacific, MO 63069

Birthday: October 15

Jermaine Parker was sentenced to 14 years for shooting a firearm out of a car in protest during the night of the November 24th in south St. Louis.





dakotaDakota Moss #11400-025 // FCI Mendota. Federal Correctional Institution. P.O. Box 9. Mendota, CA, 93640

Birthday: July 17th

Dakota Moss was sentenced to 14 years for stealing guns for people to use during the non-indictment riots in November 2014.



Josh Williams #1292002 // E.R.D.C.C., 2727 Highway K. Bonne Terre, MO 63628

Birthday: November 25

Josh Williams was sentenced on December 10th, 2015 to 8 years in prison for trying to burn down a Quik Trip during a demonstration in Berkeley, MO on Christmas Eve, 2014 that was held in response to the police murder of Antonio Martin.


*Some of these people are pre-trial, which means that the legal outcome of their cases can still be strongly impacted by their actions as well as by ours. Please write to these people only with the utmost care.

Do not discuss any illegal activity or ask, comment on or speculate about the particulars of their cases or about any actions they may or may not have taken to lead to the accusations against them. Please do not send these prisoners any inflammatory political material or do anything else that may draw negative attention to them.

Our letters, engagement, relationship-building, words of encouragement and care are the best way we can express our solidarity for those who are pre-trial.

*                                *                                 *

We saw ourselves among those who fought where they stood, the looters, the wild ones, the festive ones- opposite the shop-owners, cops, preachers, and activist and professional politicians who told us to calm down, go home, or pray. We recognize what went down in Ferguson was beautifully vast and can’t be codified into a historicized blurb. We’re just a small group trying to get the backs of people we connected with on the streets through a conversation, head nod, smile, or common fit of anger. We can’t forget those they took from us and from the fight; we can’t leave them isolated in the dust of the storms of yesterday.

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Athens: Prison sentences in the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle

re-posting from Contra Info

On March 3rd 2016, the Koridallos prison court sentenced all co-accused in the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014 (when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police); and expropriations of bank branches.

Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis was sentenced to life in prison plus 129 years and a fine of 20,000 euros.

Revolutionary Struggle (fugitive) member Pola Roupa was sentenced to 11 years in prison on misdemeanor charges (if arrested, she will stand trial on felony charges, too).

Antonis Stamboulos was sentenced to 13 years in prison.

Giorgos Petrakakos was sentenced to 36 years in prison plus a fine of 9,000 euros.

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Mexico: Anarchist detained and accused of drug dealing

From ABC Mexico

On the night of Wednesday, February 24, Jorge Emilio Muñoz Esquivel, George or “Yorsh” was arrested outside the university campus in Mexico City. Then he was accused of drug dealing by the Attorney General of the Republic (PGR). The official version was repeated ad nauseam by all government media (starting with La Jornada and ending the UNAM’s own dean’s office). When Jorge briefly left university campus that night to accompany some friends who were leaving, he was not carrying anything: no backpack, probably no sweater or jacket, because he planned to return quickly. The so-called “load” of drugs the PGR charged him with, either never existed or was planted on him on the way to their offices after being kidnapped.

Jorge is not a university student. He is neither an academic nor administrative employee of the UNAM. He has no “account number”, receives no scholarship or paycheck every payday.

He does not belong to any professors’ association nor is he an enrolled researcher with any level of the National System of Researchers (SNI). He does not got to any classroom, cubicle or institute. He doesn’t check a timecard, nor does he have a union. He does not pay any fees to the Office of University Heritage or to the Board of Trustees for the use of a vending stand. He is not the beneficiary of any university, local or federal government program, nor is he backed by any official NGOs.

Jorge does not have a “resumé”. He is no teacher or assistant researcher. He has not published his works in any international journal. He does not a member of any political party nor does he control or participate in any student-related group of thugs (porros) or “sports entertainment”. He is not proprietor of any trade concessions in University City. According to the Dean, Jorge is unconnected to the University.

Jorge is our compañero, our friend. And he has a life story. Jorge is the type of person that the bureaucracy and the Criollo caste of self-appointed “whiteys” who share the power, the cubicles from which they feed off of others, and the university budget, do not want in the UNAM. In fact, they do not want him in this place they call their country. Jorge is not someone who gives in, he is not docile or obedient. He is an artisan, a worker, a punk; he is (still) young, he is a social rebel and insurgent without labels or pretensions. He participates, asking nothing in return, and for more than twelve years ago he has been an active part of the autonomous and self-managed movement the Che Okupa Squat, or the Che Guevara auditorium, which is located – even though it bothers the dean’s office – in the University.

Jorge is the type of person – “Mexican” as they are called by those from above, we simply call them people – who is not wanted in this country by those who govern it. He is poor, he does not invest, he does notnot exploit anyone, he is nobody’s foreman, he does not want to be a police officer or soldier so as to forcefully disappear students. He does not want to be hit man or a government-sponsored thug. He does not work for any government by assassinating journalists. He does not sell drugs. Has made no criminal gang inside or outside of any prison. It is no child-molesting priest. He is no strike-breaking teacher. He not a member of any right or left-winged paramilitary group. He does not vote or support any candidate. He is no sell-out and he does not go vote or participate in corrupt electoral politics in exchange for food and money.

Jorge just came to the Che one day and stayed there to live, to work, to learn and to teach. To share and to be a compañero. To participate as one of the many who have been a part of the space at one time or another. No privileges, hierarchy, promises, or material rewards. Those who have experienced hunger, sleepless nights, illness, cold weather. He experienced the hardest part as well: accusations, beatings, torture, having to confront one nefarious student after another who believes that, after some Friday night drinking binge, they can spend the night in the auditorium and claim their “right” to do so, but later go and talk shit about those who gave them shelter for the night.

We remember Jorge doing everything and doing nothing – because in the Che, the enjoyment of leisure is also a natural right, even if it bothers or is not understood by those who love exploited labor. Jorge participated in keeping watch on the Che, cooking collectively, working in his handcrafts stand or selling tacos, preparing chilaquiles at night for the next day, enjoying and collaborating in the various activities of the squat, making his stiffened mohawk before each show.

Jorge knows prison knows very well. The prison or extermination center for “people who are foreign to the university” that is called Mexico. And he also knows the prison – the one for those without the other “account number” called nationality – that is the United States, where he was working as a migrant for years. So we know that he will endure whatever may come. But he should not be where it is now.

Jprge was chosen and set up as a guilty suspect. They manufactured his guilt. They portrayed him as guilty because he represents all that is hated by those in power in this country and in the university. They expect the manipulated society to simply accept and repeat their nonsense. Mexican society is used to repeating things without knowing, to accepting without questioning, the usual “they said it on the radio, I saw it on TV, I read it in the newspaper”.
In Jorge , those in power along with their mass media do not project the illusory image of a criminal – which in the end is much easier and could be done by any “citizen” of this country who puts on the presidential sash. They project all the hatred of their class against ours: the hatred of their elitist State and university against anything they deem “dirty”, “uncontrollable”, “scary”. Just like in the US when all of the stories of “criminals” had to do with Indians or Black folks, in today’s university, the “criminal” is “ugly”, “odd-looking” “rambunctious”, has tattoos, smells of sweat or grease, and not of servility. In Mexico today, the image of “bad” people is constructed within the spheres of power, and refers to the indigenous, the young, the anarchist, the (poor, of course) student, the dissident teacher, the protester (not the oe who is selling himself to pose as some political party supporter at a rally in exchange for a sandwich and 20 dollars).

Those in power can choose one image today, and tomorrow invent another: the hooded rebel today is a demon, while yesterday’s “villain” should be given a “case dismissal” to see if they are trusting and then we’ll kill them later, they say. The press and the police can invent and fabricate guilt based on images, repeated lies and newspaper headings, even if nobody reads them. That’s what they did with Yorsh.

Who else is willing to believe them? Jorge must be free. Now.


Yesterday, March 1, an evidentiary hearing was held at a court in Mexico City in which testimony was presented that disproved the PGR’s version on how Jorge was arrested. Jorge heard the hearing via a videoconference call, and we had the opportunity to see and know that he is indeed in the Hermosillo prison. The federal prosecutor has until Sunday, March 6 to determine whether there is sufficient evidence to hold a trial.

We know that this is part of the set-up that the Mexican government is orchestrating to attack the anarchist movement in general and, more specifically, the Okupa Che squat. At the same time that the legal montage is being set in motion, the media campaign has not stopped; yesterday an article was published in a national newspaper in which names of our compañerxs appear and are accused of forming part of alleged drug sales operation at the National University (UNAM). Meanwhile, rumors of a possible eviction of the squat continue to circulate, creating a climate of fear and uncertainty among the squatters. The university authorities have pronounced in favor of taking back the Auditorium and launched a strategy that includes a referendum to determine its future. The isolation they are using to repress Jorge is very rough due to the conditions in maximum security prisons, and with Hermosillo being one of the newer and better monitored of them all. There is also the fact of having sent him to prison more than 2,000 kilometers from Mexico City in an attempt to further isolate the compañero and make it difficult for him to reveive support and solidarity.

For all these reasons it is important to continue our solidarity with Jorge. You can write to the following e-mails for more details on the best way to support him economically: solidaridad_yorch@riseup.net, or okupache@riseup.net or cna.mex@gmail.com.

Free Yorch!
No to the eviction of the Okupa Che squat!
Freedom for all!
Anarchist Black Cross – Mexico

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Turkey: Update on Osman Evcan

From Istanbul ABC

Osman Evcan who was born on 1959 in Samsun is an anarchist prisoner who spent his last 23 years in prison. İn 1992 he was sentenced to 30 years in prison with the charges of being a member of a leftist terrorist group and robbery. He was also imprisoned for 9 years between 1980-1989. Since Osman adopted anarchist ideas in 2003, he also became vegan and supports animal liberation struggles.

Osman Evcan was imprisoned in many different prisons all over the country during his conviction, he built his life fighting against authoritarian violence and especially the violence and oppression which is a systemic part of the prison’s hierarchical structure, and he still continues his fight against prison’s oppressive mentality, without giving an inch, aspiring to the right standards for anarchist, vegan, libertarian individuals.

Osman’s first barnburner act was his hunger strike in 2011 for vegan food to be available in prison which lasted 42 days. During his hunger strike the anarchists, animal liberationists from all over the World and in Turkey supported Osman’s fight to access vegan food in prison. After 42 days of hunger strike the government gave in and made regulations for the vegan and vegetarian prisoners: “Vegan or vegetarian prisoners demands will be accepted as long as its limited by subsistence allowance”. After this victory of all anarchists, animal liberationists and political prisoners, Osman continued to be in the anarchist struggle during his time in prison. He has supported the LGBT, Animal Liberation, women rights, anti imperialism struggles outside prison and he made hunger strikes to protest the animal massacre during each ‘feast of sacrifice’ every year for 3 days, he wrote articles to support nature, ethnic and different identities against government’s and comprador bourgeoisie’s raids and he still continues his political fight as much as he can from prison.

Osman Evcan was convicted of being a member of a leftist terrorist group, he self-criticized himself by saying that both capitalist and socialist system forms for being are statist and colonist formations. To quote his own words: “Veganism is not only a capitalism contrast it also includes socialism contrast. Veganism is civilization contrast. Veganism has an all out attitude against technological destruction, violence, human species alienation to nature and to itself, ecological pillage, pollution, colonialism, global warming. Act of civilization has a common history with statist forms of organizations. The idea of a state grown up process starting from primitive-simple history ongoing modernization continuum for thousands of years and transforming to nation state is a result of civilization. We cant separate This ongoing, mutually reinforcing facts that produce each other, from each other. Veganism is a radical attitude against all…”

After his hunger strike for 33 days on June 2015 he took vegan food supplies one step further and he gained the right to get vegan food from outside the prisons. The prison administration usurped this gain due to arbitrarily reasons.

After usurpation of the right to get vegan food from outside the prison by the Kandıra No: 1 Prison administration, Osman Evcan started hungerstrike again on 10. November 2015 and after 39 days the prison administration gave him back his acquisitions. But soon afterwards, early in the morning Osman Evcan was exiled to Silivri L TYP prison by force and with the excuse of packness he was put in to a short stay unit which lacks a exercise yard. After he was brought to this prison by force no food was given to him for 4 days and afterwards the food given to him was not good enough for a healthy alimentation. Despite the fact that he wrote petitions tens of times, no answer was given.

Osman Evcan is jailed with ordinary prisoners. So it means that the rights that the political prisoners won through their struggles for years doesn’t exist in this prison. An example for this can be the cameras in the cells. Osman Evcan who mentions that he will never allow this kind of control and surveillance tool in his cell, tries to neutralize this practice by breaking or changing the route of the cameras. But the reaction of the prison administration to this act , is to enforce factual disciplinary punishments like visiting ban of the family members. Also as the result of disciplinary punishments he will have solitary confinement for 12 days.

In addition to these, this prisons amount of allowed books in a cell is limited only with 10 books. So if you consider the fact that in prisons it is not allowed to reach the fast information sources like internet, most of his books will consist of basic books. We can say that almost no opportunity to read something new is given to the prisoners.

Also the State is not only deciding the amount of the books you can read but also the State decides which book u are allowed to read. This is also a method to put the prisoners (the prisoners they imprison in order to regenerate and re-form) in the shape they want them to be. By making them watch the channels, read the books, magazines they want, they think they can get everything they want in the way they want, through prisoners head. Not to give the publishing’s wanted is preclusion of the right to get free political information.

They are not giving any information to prisoners about their letters and faxes delivery status. This is paving the way for the prison authorities to not to send the letters arbitrarily. And also along with this communication ban, the obscurity situation becomes permanent and constant oppression is created. By keeping the body in a stable place, all the instruments needed to continue existing is disengaged.

With this hungerstike, Osman Evcan is showing the State that he is not obeying, surrendering, to their oppressions and practices in prison. Accepting means to destroy your own identity, your own existence. Only way to discharge political identities is to control behaviours.  The outpicture of political identities are hungerstrikes. And the state responds to this hungerstrikes by keeping the body in a stable place and by disengaging all the instruments needed to contunie existing. If The ones who must obey does not obey, the State reveals witch hunt politics visually. This is exactly what is desired to be done to Osman: silent extermination of psychology and body.

Osman’s fight is to not to let his identity to be destroyed, and to show that he will not surrender under the State’ s tools pressures. To lay down the body to death means not surrendering. It means to live without loosing your identity and to leave acquisitions to successors.  Osman’s fight is more then a vegan package: it’s a war to exist.

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